Hungarian government isolates the country with its pro-Russian position

On June 1, EU legislators intensified their criticism of Hungary by supporting a resolution that aims to obstruct Hungary’s bid to hold the EU presidency next year. 

However, according to diplomatic sources, there is little chance that national governments will follow the Parliament’s example and call for the suspension of Hungary’s presidency. 

Antidemocratic party

As anticipated, MEPs supported the resolution, which charged Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz government with “systemic corruption,” by a 442 to 144 cross-party vote. Additionally, the article “question[s] how Hungary will be able to fulfill this task in 2024] credibly, given its non-compliance with EU law and the principles of sincere cooperation, as well as the values enshrined in Article 2 TEU.”

Less than a month after the next European elections, in July 2024, Hungary, which previously had the rotating presidency in 2011, will assume the six-month chairmanship of the Council of Ministers. 

The resolution is not enforceable, and all 27 governments of the EU would need to agree to deprive Hungary or any other nation of the six-month presidency. 

Judit Varga, the minister of justice of Hungary, slammed it as “nonsense” and said the resolution was “very, very damaging.” 

There is little interest among diplomats in Brussels to pursue the matter

Even though Germany’s minister for Europe, Anna Lührmann, told reporters this week that she had “doubts” about whether Hungary could successfully hold the presidency, citing Budapest’s management of the rule of law and its ambiguous support for Ukraine. 

According to Commission Vice President Margrethe Vestager, “When a country enters into the role of the presidency, they assume this role, as an honest broker, they become neutral,” and “if that is the approach of the Hungarians, then you have a normal presidency.” 

The major tactic the European Commission has employed is to prevent Hungary from receiving money from the post-pandemic recovery fund until several predetermined “milestones” regarding judicial independence and social policy have been achieved. 

The French Green MEP who is the Parliament’s standing rapporteur on Hungary said, “Unlocking the frozen funds at this stage would give Fidesz a carte blanche to continue their attacks on fundamental rights.” 

It’s time for the Council to consider whether a member state operating under Article 7 process may legitimately serve as the EU’s presidency, she continued.

The MEPs should consider measures to “reduce cooperation to the bare minimum” during the Hungarian presidency, according to Sophie in ‘t Veld, a Dutch liberal deputy, who commented during a news conference on Wednesday.

This could involve giving government critics a platform alongside Hungarian government representatives at events and MEPs abstaining from trialogue negotiations, where MEPs, ministers, and the European Commission broker compromises on EU laws. 

“We should strip this presidency of all the glitter and glamor: No photo ops, no glitzy press conferences,” she argued.

In the meantime, a new front in the European Commission’s separate rule of conflict with Poland has been opened. 

Didier Reynders, the EU’s justice commissioner, wrote to Poland’s government and shared it with EURACTIV. In the letter, the commissioner mentions the country’s recent adoption of a law that establishes a special committee to look into Russian interference in Poland’s internal security between 2007 and 2022 and that “raises serious concerns in terms of conformity with EU law.” 

It gives a powerful administrative body the ability to deny people the opportunity to run for public office and so limit their rights, according to Reynders.